5 May 2006
LIFE AMONG THE DELAWARE INDIANS IN THE KANSAS RESERVE
This section contains articles on the life of the Lenape-Delaware on their reserve in present Kansas. The editor reflects the writings of the missionaries as a part of the historical record of the Lenape-Delaware. He does not endorse their views nor does he agree with many of them. Perhaps the reading of their experiences will help us understand why they did what they felt that they had to do. For the time being, there will also be other items on the Lenape-Delaware such as their relationship with other Native Americans and their relationship with African-Americans until we can set up a better place for them. This page also contains for the time being a small section on Delaware-African American Relations and an article regarding Miami-Delaware relations. Editor Tom Swiftwater Hahn firstname.lastname@example.org
"Prairie Meadows Burning"
A painting by George Catlin While a Fort Leavenworth visitor in the fall of 1832 he wrote about the prairie fires he witnessed. From the cover of Summer 1962 issue of The Kansas Historical Quarterly
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THE DELAWARE MIGRATION TO INDIAN TERRITORY
(From Chapter III, "Delaware Come to This Area," page 10, from an untitled book. [I am looking for it. I can't remember who sent this item to me, so if anyone finds this as their contribution, please let me know and I will give you the proper credit. Editor: email@example.com
The United States Government, after the Civil War, forced the Cherokee Nation to allow other friendly Indian tribes to settle on Cherokee lands. This was imposed because the Government claimed the Cherokees were sympathetic with the cause of the Confederates.
The Delaware Indians, living in Kansas, took advantage of this provision and agreed to purchase land, and tribal rights, from the Cherokee Nation. (Kappler, Indian Affairs--Laws and Treaties, p. 937. BHR) The purchased comprised what is now the greater part of Washington County [of Oklahoma]. The Delawares began their final move during the winter of 1866, although the final agreement was not signed by President Andrew Johnson until the 11th of April. 1867. (Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C. Compilation of All Treaties between the United States and the Indian Nations, p. 362) An excerpt taken from an interview with Katy (Whiteturkey) Day, a full blood Delaware, in 1837 by Allene D. McDowell, a field worker with the State Historical Society of Oklahoma, and on file in the State Historical Library at Oklahoma City, gives some idea of their move.
My parents first settled at Baxter Spring, Kansas, when they were brought here from the east, then moved to Wyandotte County, near Lawrence, Kansas, then moved to Indian Territory. There were about twenty-five or thirty families brought to Indian Territory at the time we made the trip. We came in a hack, or light weight carriages, and some of the other families drove buggies, wagons, and ox drawn wagons., and some were horseback. Our food supplies were transported in a large covered wagon drawn by six yoke of oxen. We would camp about noon and the supplies would not arrive until sundown. The oxen traveled very slow.
A Delaware family named Mahooney [Mahoney] was with us, who had one child, a boy, nineteen years old. (A search of the 1862 Delaware Roll by Pratt, reveals that the family name Mahooney, is also know as WAH HO NEY. Number 724m, a male age 38 with a son NAH POO WHA, age 13) After we had eaten our noon meal this boy rode away on a horse to look for some horses that had strayed away. It was snowing hard and when he was not back to camp early they thought he might have gotten lost. He was gone all afternoon and about sundown they heard a shot and his mother became worried. He did not return that night and early the next morning the men started to look for him. They found him not far from the camp. He had been robbed, scalped, and stripped of his clothes by the Osage Indians. He was laying face down in the snow with a soldier's blue overcoat thrown over him. This was a gruesome sight and put a great fear in our little band for the safety of our lives. This boy was buried near the camp we were stationed at the forks of the Caney [River]. He was the first person buried in this cemetery and it is the oldest cemetery in Washington County. It is located northwest of Bartlesville. This cemetery is know as the Delaware Cemetery. It is located in section 7, township 27N, range 13E. and is two miles north and one and a half miles west of Dewey. (Katy Whiteturkey Day Interview. History Room, Bartlesville Public Library)
ACCOUNT BY REVEREND JOHN G. PRATT
(From The History of Wyandotte County, Kansas..., p. 149: "The following account pertaining to the last occupancy by the Indians of the territory now embraced in Wyandotte County, given by Rev. John G. Pratt, now  the oldest citizen in the county, and published in the Andreas' State History, is here presented for the benefit of the reader.")
"That part of the country on the north side of the Kansas River was first settled by the Delawares in 1829. They came from Ohio, and brought with them a knowledge of agriculture, and many of them habits of industry. They opened farms, built houses and cut roads along the ridges and divides; also erected a frame church at what is now the vil[l]age of White Church. The south side of the Kansas River was settled by the Shawnee Indians in 1823. They also afterward came from Ohio and were about as much advanced in civilization as the Delaware They had a Methodist Mission some three miles from Westport a long time, it being presided over by Rev. Mr. Johnson; also a Quaker Mission about two miles west of that. The population of the Delaware tribe when it first settled in Kansas was 1,000. It was afterward reduced to 800. This was in consequence of contact with wilder tribes. who were as hostile to the short-haired Indians as they were to the whites. Still the Delawares would venture out hunting buffalo and beaver. to be inevitably overcome and destroyed. Government finally forbade their leaving the reservation. The effect of this order was soon apparent in the steady increase of the tribe, so that when they removed in 1867 [to Indian Territory--now Oklahoma] they numbered 1,160. The ruling chiefs from 1829 to 1867 were Ne-con-he-con, Qui-sha-to-wha (Sar-cox-ie), Charles Johnnycake, Qua-con-now-ha (James Secondine or Secundine), Ah-ca-chick (James Conner), and Captain John Conner."
INDIAN MISSIONS IN KANSAS
This item is from the Kansas Historical Society's Kansas Historical Collections, vol. 16, "Indian Missions in Kansas," [From Western Christian Advocate, June 16, 1848, vol. 10, p. 34] pp. 257-258:
Rev. C. Elliott: Dear Brother-- On Monday, the 8th inst., we left the [Kickapoo] mission and returned to brother Peery's the same evening. Tuesday, the 9th, we met with the Delaware Indians, in company with their devoted minister, Rev. E. T. Peery, at the mission church. The day was pleasant, and the members of the Church came out generally, and a few of the heathen party, notwithstanding it was a busy season of the year. We all preached to them. I preached first, and found it somewhat embarrassing to preach through an interpreter, yet it was not so bad as I had anticipated. Brother T. Johnson followed immediately; and after a sort of intermission, Brother W. Browning gave them a discourse. The meeting throughout was spiritual and lively, and there is no doubt with me, but that it was profitable to many precious souls. At the close of the services, brother Peery gave an opportunity to all who wished to "forsake their mold wicked way, and to come and walk in the good and Christian way," to do so, when several came forward and joined the Church, among whom was a tall, athletic man, very savage in appearance, and who, it is said, has been a very ferocious, cruel, and blood-thirsty Indian; but he has grounded the weapons of his warfare at the feet of Jesus, determined to fight against his God no more. This produced great joy among the Christian Indians: they had witness another glorious triumph of Gospel truth over fallen, depraved human nature.
This nation numbers about 1,000; about 100 of this number are members of the Methodist Episcopal Church. When the missionaries first came among [p. 258] these Indians, they were perhaps the most drunken, sottish, and miserable people in all these lands of darkness of death. Now they are enjoying the blessings of civilization and Christianity, and many of them are redeemed from their drunkenness and misery, and are rejoicing in a Savior's love. They have, by their own efforts, built a good log meeting-house, with good floors, and glazed windows; it is warmed in the winter with two good stoves, procured at their own expense. The Christian party have pretty much thrown off the Indian costume and dress like civilized people. A number of their children are receiving education at the Indian Manual Labor School. This exerts a very happy influence in the nation. When the children visit their friends during the school vacation, they come home well clad, everything about them being clean and neat. The missionary has a Sunday School established at the mission, which is destine to exert a very happy influence over the old and especially the young who attend it. This missions is at present. beyond all doubt, in a prosperous condition, and worthy of the confidence, prayers, and support of the Church.
The Delawares, it is said, at one time believed their were two deities, on a male and the other a female. The male god had his habitation in the north, and when he ruled, and blew out his breath, then we had cold winds, and frost and snow. The female, or goddess, had her residence in the south, and when she swayed the sceptre, we had warm wind and pleasant weather. The god rule ruled in winter and the goddess in summer. They believed that this god and goddess were often waging war with each other. When the male deity prevailed, we had weather corresponding with his reign, and when the female deity ruled, we had weather agreeing with her benign administration. The "green corn dance," it is said, originated from these views of heathen mythology. In the fall of the year, the Indians would gather of the first ripe corn and offer it to the goddess of the south, who presided over the seasons with so much dignity; and under whose gracious reign the new crop of corn was brought into a state of maturity, offering seed to the sower, and bread to the eater. This opinion, however, is entertained but by a few at the present time.
The lands owned by this tribe of Indians are exceedingly rich and fertile, unsurpassed by any I have ever seen, and calculated to yield to the hand of industry every product, in the richest profusion, which the latitude and altitude of the country will allow. Yours affectionately, W. Patton, Ch'n. May 10, 1843
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This article is from the Kansas Historical Society's Kansas Historical Collections, vol. 16, "Indian Missions in Kansas," "Letters of Rev. Edward T. Perry," [From Western Christian Advocate, Nov. 10, 1843, vol. 10, p. 118], pp. 253-254:
To the Rev. E. R. Ames, Corresponding Secretary of the Missionary Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church for the Western Conference:
DEAR BROTHER--The condition of the Indian mission district, Missouri conference, is still prosperous...[p. 254] The present missionary, Rev. G. W. Love, has been able to spend but little time with them this year, owing in part to his affliction, and in part to their absence from their homes. He has been employed through the summer at the Delaware station, supplying the place of the missionary there in his absence on the district [p. 254]....
With the Delawares we have about one hundred Church members, and perhaps over one-third of that number have died happy in the bosom of the Church since the commencement of our operations amongst them, besides fifteen who have passed through our society to the Baptists. We have at this place a good meeting-house which is finished, and furnished with two good stoves by the Indians themselves. Here we have our meetings regularly three times a week. The Sabbath is occupied, first by Sabbath school in the morning, in which we teach all, old and young, who wish to learn to read the translations of Scripture. and hymns in their own language. At the end of these instructions follows a sermon by the missionary through an interpreter, then an intermission of half an hour, which is followed by a sermon. or exhortation, or both by natives; and prayer and praises conclude the services of the day; when we return to our respective homes refreshed as with new wine. The other two meetings are held on Wednesdays and Saturdays; the former for prayer and the latter a class meeting. We have also been trying the circuit plan among the Delawares which promises to succeed well. Here it is proper to observe that we have the hearty cooperation of the Moravian friends or United Brethren, situated one mile and a half from our station. We feel ourselves under many obligations to these truly Christian brethren, and think we are highly favored that we have such neighbors... We have children in the Indian Manual Labor School from all the tribes with whom we have missions except the Kickapoos. This backwardness is doubtless owing to the influence of the "Prophet," [Shawnee] which is exerted against us...Yours respectfully, E. T. Peery. DELAWARE MISSION, July 24, 1843 [p. 254]
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The following is another of the "Letters of Rev. Edward Perry" contained in the Kansas Historical Society's, Kansas Historical Collections, "Indian Missions," [From Western Christian Advocate, Dec. 23, 1842, vol. 9, p. 144], pp. 251-252. This letter, written at the time of the death of Chief __________, is condescending and insulting, and I have not included it in the Biography of that person, nor included the name here. The letter is typical of some of the missionary letters in which the state of individual Native Americans or Native Americans in general deprecate the Indian in order to "prove" the importance of the missions and the missionaries. Many of the missionaries did good works, of course, and I intend generally to show both sides, letting the "record" tell the ultimate tale. Editor.
Died, Nov. 11th, after a lingering illness of neat three months, __________, a chief of the Delaware tribe if Indians. He was among many others yet living in who was exhibited the popular excellence and saving power of the Gospel. Previous to his conversion, about eight years ago, he was abandoned to most of the vices practiced among Indians; a degraded drunkard, a noted juggler [that is, a type of shaman], a furious blood-thirsty [perhaps in defending his homeland?] heathen, in a word most, if not all the marks of depravity found in the third chapter of the epistle to the Romans, were conspicuous in his character. But to the honor of our Christianity be it known, that from the time he was first arrested by the word of God, from the time the Holy Spirit first glimmered upon his darkened soul, he arose from the depths of degredation, shook off his accumulated vices, and stood forth the decided Christian; and until the day of his death was never known to taste the accursed "fire water," or otherwise disgrace his profession. But, in common with other Christians, he had to bear many reproaches and persecutions from his own people. Some two years hence he was summoned to trial before a heathen council; and so urgent was the call that a company of men were sent after him, who put him on a horse and forced him away in much haste. When he arrived at the place he met a large, clamorous assembly, some half drunk, all painted up in the true heathen style, and presenting rather a fearful appearance. They were seated in a ring of some twenty-five or thirty feet in diameter, in the centre of which was a vacant seat upon which he was placed. The speakers then arose and presented the accusation, which was, killing many of their people by the power of witch-craft--that they had long delayed inflicting the merited punishment but so many lately had fallen victim to his malice, that they could bear with him no longer--that the tomahawk used for only that purpose (witch-killing) had long lain under the bed in rust, but that they had rubbed it bright, and that his life should then atone for his crimes. The executioners were then ordered up. Our friend asked if he might be permitted to answer for himself, which was granted, he did, in a speech of some length, avow his innocence of the charges preferred against time--that he knew nothing of the art attributed to him, but if there was such an art and he possessed it, the religion he professed, forbid the hurting of any man--that he had nothing in his heart against any of them, but that was in their hands, and if they chose to kill him, he was ready to die. After counseling on the matter, they concluded to let him live a little longer, upon the condition that he would cease killing the people. Three of the chief men were then pointed out to him, and he was told that when any one of them died, sooner or later in life, which they in their mercy gave him for the present, should be taken without pity. Through most of his religious life he served as one of our class leaders. During his last painful sickness he drank deeper into the spirit of the Gospel, and had nearer and more striking views of the Savior of sinners than at any former period. He talked and seemed to think about little else than the prospect that opened before him, and it was difficult to satisfy him with the amount of singing and prayer at his house. Just before the last struggle, he called his family and those present to his bed, and taking each one by the hand bade them a last adieu, then closed his eyes in death, leaving on his features a placid smile, such as would indicate in health, deep inward pleasure. E. T. Peery. DELAWARE MISS., MO., Nov. 20, 1842.
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LIFE AMONG THE DELAWARE INDIANS"
The following article, by Clara Gowing is from the Kansas State Historical Society's Kansas Historical Collections, vol. XII (1911-1912), pp. 183-193. Clara Gowing, of Massachusetts, wrote it as the result of a visit to the Delaware Baptist Mission on the Delaware Reserve in 1859. She was accompanied by Elizabeth S. Morse, also of Massachusetts. Ms. Morse was a teacher there from about 1848 until 1867 when the majority of the tribe was removed to Indian Territory (Oklahoma). She died in Kansas in November 1899 at age 85. The Delaware Mission School was started in 1837 by Ira D. Blanchard. It was situated where the Edwardsville station was later located. On 10 July 1895, John G. Pratt said, "In 1848 I moved the building of the mission school up to where I now live. It was a log building. I moved the logs and put the building up in the same form as it stood at the river...It forms the middle portion of my house and is clap-boarded over the logs like the other portion of the frame building. (John Gill Pratt was born in Hingham, Mass., 9 Sept. 1814 and died at his home near Piper, Wyandotte Co., Kans. 23 April 1900.) The mission buildings consisted of five houses and the stables. A large, square house with an "L" was occupied by Mr. Pratt and his family, the lower part being the family dining room; over it was a chamber, and beyond the dining room was the kitchen. Part of this house was originally a log church at the Shawnee mission, and was the first building used for worship in the country. Another large, square house was used as a dormitory for the school." Need source of this paragraph. Check pp. 107-107 of Volume 12. Editor]
Among the Delaware
(by Miss Clara Gowing) (1), of Reading Massachusetts, from the Kansas Historical Society's Kansas Historical Collections, vol. XII,(1911-1912), pp.183-193)
Moved by a sermon which I heard preached in Concord, Mass., my home at that time, from the text, "Lord, what will thou have me do?" I decided to engage in mission work if an opportunity offered; and in October, 1859, accompanied by Miss E. S. Morse (2) being a teacher with whom I was to be associated.
The mission buildings consisted of five houses and the stables. with an "L" was occupied by Mr. Pratt and family, the lower part being the family dining room' over it was a chamber, and beyond the dining room was the kitchen. Part of this house was originally a log church at the Shawnee mission, and was the first building used for worship in the country. Another large, square house was used as a dormitory for the school. There was also a long schoolhouse divided by folding doors. All these were frame buildings, facing south; a small house, formerly used for the school but then in use as a wash house or laundry, the usual smoke house of that part of the country, and stables built of logs, completed the group that was known through the territory as the Baptist, or Pratt's mission. The location was on rising ground on the border of timber land and rolling prairie. About a quarter of a mile away, on a hill, was the chapel -- a frame building. but not strong enough to bear the bell which had been given to the mission, and so it was hung in a framework in Mr. Pratt's back yard, and rung to call to meals, school, and daily worship. Its tones were gladly heard miles away, and served the purpose of a town clock to all within its sound.
We arrived at the mission, by stage from Leavenworth, at noon October 14, and after dinner went about preparing the beds for the children. School was to open Monday; so the children usually came to church with their parents to take them home. But the next day the clouds poured forth their treasure and there was no service at the chapel. I occupied myself much of the day scratching my body, wondering what could cause the irritation. I thought at first I had gathered something in my journey that occasioned it, but found that this soon the process of acclimation had begun what was known as the Kansas itch, the breaking out of which. frequently prevented a fever or other sickness. [Could this be a part of the histoplasmosis that afflicted your author in the 1930s in Kansas?] It continued until cold weather and returned with renewed vigor the next summer, blotches and scabs all over my body.
As the rain ceased toward night, George Washington came, bringing three boys. They backed up against the outside of the house where he left them, with anything but a cheery expression, till called in by Miss Morse. When they first came she made a fire in the stove and put our a wash boiler, brought out a tub, and to my surprised question, "What are you going to do?" replied, "Wash the bots. We never put them into our clean beds without bathing." That those boys, the eldest ten or twelve, should quietly answer the question plied by Miss Morse, "Did your mother wash you before you came?" and then passively submit to her examining their ears to see if they were clean, filled me with amazement, as I sat in silence taking in the situation. I found that clean ears was the test of a thorough bath.
It was arranged that Miss Morse should have care of the boys out of school, and I of the girls, each looking after the work and the clothes of her charge; also caring for them in sickness. A few of them came from civilized, Christian homes, were neatly dressed and tidy. Others required an entire outfit of clothes and attention to their heads; and for that a daily examination was necessary. This process was called by the boys "hunting buffaloes"; and that none might escape, and to make their capture easy, their hair was kept short, though boys as well as girls plumed themselves in long braids with gay ribbons plaited in the hair.
A woman brought her own and a neighbor's child one day. Both needed to be barbered. Usually we kept that until the parent was gone, but this time I wanted to attend to it before changing my dress, and through an interpreter told them to unbraid their hair ready for cutting. When the mother understood what was to be done she took her girl home. When witnessing for the first time the rather unique process of combing heads, I said to Miss Morse, "Did you ever get lice in your hair?" "Certainly," she replied' "we never pass a term without them." The I thought, "Can ever come to this?"
One day a party of young people from Wyandotte came out to the mission to have a little picnic by themselves, and camped on a bluff opposite the schoolhouse. The children wondered what it meant. We said, "They are having a picnic." Immediately the word went round, "picknits, picknits." Evidently they thought it was the same process that they went through every morning except Sunday. One day I noticed two boys very busy over each other's heads, as if they were picking lice and putting them on the cover of their reading books. Watching over them a while, I saw that they did not kill them. So I asked, "What are you doing with the lice?" "Making them fight." one replied.
But few of the children spoke English, and in doing their work an interpreter must be used. A child from one of the Christian families usually acted for us in that way. The girls especially were no ambitious to learn English. They said iof they spoke it people would call them "old white folks." The girls were taught to sew besides doing the chamber and dining room work. The boys brought water from the spring for laundry and family use, split and sawed the wood and kept the wood boxes supplied. In summer the older ones were sometimes taken to the field to work. Evenings and stormy days when they could not be out of doors they were taught to knit and thus made themselves many stockings. Both boys and girls wore earrings when they came to school, but the boys soon left them off when they learned they were not considered the right things for the educated male.
The dinners were usually soup ands warm corn bread; for supper, white bread and molasses; breakfast, warmed-up soup, white breads and coffee. Sunday morning they had cookies and a piece of apple pie, and for supper warm biscuits and butter. They were taught to say, "I thank you" for this or that.
I had twin girls named Adeline and Emeline, six-year old children of Charles Journeycake (5), who looked so nearly alike it was difficult to tell one from the other. When I wanted one I frequently took both their names or sometimes said "twin." One night when one was sick I went to give her some medicine, and thought I had wakened the right child when, to my surprise, she said, "I am not sick; it is Adeline." And, sure enough, I had almost made the well one take the powder.
Unused to restraint (6) at home, the discipline of school life was very irksome to the children , and not very6 easy for us, especially out of school and in winter when they could not exercise out of doors. A room full of lively children, jabbering [how about simply say "talking"!] an unknown tongue [If they were you are going to teach Lenape children, why not learn Lenape?], was very trying on one's nerves. Wishing to avoid corporal punishment as much as possible, we resorted to rather original methods to preserve necessary order. To keep little one from mischievously annoying one another we often pinned their aprons over their heads or tied hands behind them, even blindfolded them on occasion. If the tongue became unruly, a chip was put between the teeth. [I am having a hard time trying to maintain an impartiality toward missionaries! Editor] Around the yard were enormous stumps, two or three feet high, where the quarrelsome boys were sent to stand, living statues among the grounds for a while. One Saturday afternoon after a severe storm came up at the time to wash the floors, making it useless to have it done. As it cleared just at night, I reggretted that through Sunday I must see muddy floors; but after the girls were in bed they were disorderly, so for punishment I had them get up and wash the stairs and floors.
When I went to the mission Mr. Pratt was receiving a salary of $300, and nothing extra for educating his children. He used to set aside a pony or a cow for each one, from which to raise money for their schooling, but quite often the creature died or was stolen. He received not quite $1 per week, or $50 a year, for each Indian child at school--that to cover clothing, food, books, medicine and all. The children were hard on shoes, and required much medicine. The Delawares numbered about 800, did not increase, and were a rich people. (7) Their reservation, forty miles long by ten miles wide, was the best land in the United States. But the Indians did not enjoy tilling the ground; he preferred hunting and riding over the prairie, hiring some white men to do his work.
All kinds of wild animals were abundant--owls, wolves, wildcats, turkey buzzards, etc.; vermin of all kinds and reptiles of all description were to be seen. One day, coming from the schoolhouse, as I was about to step to the piazza at the back of the house I saw a snake in my path. I ran around to the front door, and there lay a lizard at the doorstep. As I must go in, I gave a bound and landed in the hall.
Wild game also was plenty; prairie chicken, wild turkeys and rabbits were often on our table. Lucius [Pratt's oldest son] shot 120 pigeons in one morning, and one turkey he shot weighed twenty-three pounds. Once when out calling on the Indians with Mr. Pratt, we had a fine view of an eagle. He was resting on the top of a tall, barren tree, quite near us, giving a grand chance to view his white head. Mr. Pratt said he never saw one quite so near. We stopped and looked at him closely, and the eagle seemed to understand there was no gun aboard and he was therefore perfectly safe. When we had looked long enough Mr. Pratt [this great man of God] frightened him away, so I had an opportunity to see his wings spread. We though they must measure six feet from tip to tip.
Mr. Thomas B. Sykes, the agent who came from Beaufort, N. C., came to the mission to board in December, 1859. When he left the agency he entered the Confederate army. It was through his courtesy that we attended the Indian payment at Stranger Creek next summer. Nr. Johnson followed Mr. Sykes as agent, and Rev. J. G. Pratt succeeded him and continued agent u til the Delawares removed to the country.
During the spring vacation of 1860, Mr. Pratt's oldest son, Lucius, married Nannie, the daughter of Charles Journeycake. There was quite a wedding in the afternoon. The bride was dressed in white muslin. with veil and orange blossoms, and looked very pretty. The ceremony was followed by an elaborate supper being a prominent feature of of white, or "strong," marriage, as the Indians termed it. Opposite me at `the table sat George Washington with his two wives, one on each side of him, and each with a babe in her arms. Polygamy was allowed but not generally practiced in the tribe. Washington was a large man, with broad face, greasy skin, and long, black hair. His hunting shirt lay open at the neck, in his belt hung the tomahawk worn on all occasions, and in his ears were silver ear-loops. The two women wore the usual head covering--a bright-colored silk handkerchief, which had slipped back and was lying loosely on the neck. These handkerchiefs are worn summer and winter. They had rings on their fingers and in their ears, and wore many bracelets. Some of these ornaments were of silver and some of brass.
Lucius took his wife to his father's to board while a new house was being built for them. A few weeks after the wedding I accompanied them to the old mission site, where Mr. Blanchard labored before Mr. Pratt took charge. The distance was four miles, most of the way through timber land, the wilderness all around. Large trees lay where they had fallen, sometimes lodging against other trees, and sometime lying full length on the ground, moss covered and going to decay. The old mission site was not as pleasant nor as healthy as the present mission.
From a house near by Lucius procured a tin cup; and we drank from a spring where a stump had been burned out and placed over it to hold the water. It was a fine draught. From a creek beyond we watered our horses, then went on to Kansas river, half a mile further, and looked over into the Shawnee country. Our way home was through what is called "the bottoms." The path led through little creeks and clumps of bushes, over stumps, down steep declivities, then up again like the letter V. Dodging here and bowing our heads there, to avoid being caught, Absalom-like, in a tree, or brushed from our horses by the bushes, was all a new and exciting experience to me. starting up wild turkeys and other game. Urged by my companions, I made my first attempt at leaping "Pacer" over a large tree fallen to the ground, and to my surprise found myself in the saddle when Pacer" struck the ground on the other side. I enjoyed the wilderness and no very very much, and arrived home for dinner with good appetite and found the mercury registering 78 degrees (March 31). I had gathered five varieties of flowers, but the flora of this part of the country was not fragrant--for "why waster sweetness on the desert air."
April 2 I went with Mr. P Pratt in the buggy about six miles to see chief Ketchum, who was sick. The firs few miles were on the open prairie; then we drove through the woods. The house, of one story, with the roof coming down over the piazza, was situated in a clearing, and around the door were ponies and cattle, pigs and fowls. The door opened into a small room , in which was a bed, a cooking stove, table and chairs. On the bed was a hen lying her egg. The next room was small also, with a large fireplace a bed and lounge and two bureaus. On the lounge lay the chief. While we were there two Indians came in. One had been to the mountains among a wild tribe. He was dressed in buckskin, the coat trimmed with beads with a fringe of buckskin around the bottom, the same kind of fringe ornamenting the seams of his pants.
At another chief's we found the children playing out of doors (it was vacation time), and looking as well dressed as many white children [Praise be to God!]Although the children from this family came to school, the children were very heathenish in their views. We were shown a hat worn by women in their dances. It was as tall as a bearskin military cap and covered with feathers of all colors, some of great beauty. Around the bottom was a band of silver two inches wide, from which hung all kinds of gold and silver jewelry, earrings and finger rings. The chief had two wives, and in one room there was a sofa and upholstered chairs arranged after their own taste.
Another time Miss Morse and I were visiting the Hunneywell house. He was a white man with an Indian wife. As we rode up to the fence she came out on the porch, saying "Will you alight?" She then took away the rails to assist us over, the horses being left tied to the fence. The usual square room which we entered had been partitioned, so there was no bed in it. On the floor was a tidy rag carpet, and there was a nice spring-seated sofa and other comfortable furniture, all looking neat. Being near noon, Mrs. Hunneywell went about dinner, and laid the table, with white cloth and white ware of ponderous weight. From the kitchen savory odors stole in when ever the door opened, and in due tim e we were informed that dinner was ready and we were invited to be seated at the table, and as the men had not come in from the field, we obeyed the invitation to help ourselves. Our keen appetites, sharpened by our ride, were not necessary to tempt us to try the smoking ham and eggs, nice light biscuits, stewed beans, apple sauce, etc., with excellent coffee for drink.
In April, 1861, the war news became alarming and frightfully near, keeping us in constant excitement. The people in Missouri threatened to take Fort Leavenworth and tear up the St. Joseph & Hannibal railroad within ten days. The school was to commence after the spring vacation, and there was much apprehension, some thinking it better not to begin; but we did, and were not disturbed.
One day, when Mr. Pratt was in Leavenworth, a boat bearing a secession flag came p the river and stopped there. The people immediately stormed the boat, tearing down the flag and stripping it to bits, thus showing their sentiments. (8) Soon after that secessionists were ordered to leave the city forthwith. Anxiety was felt that the mails might br intercepted, and caution was given to our friends east not to write anything that might be turned to our injury should the letters fall into "secesh" hands.
In July, 1861, the commissioners from Washington boarded at the mission while they assigned to the [Delaware] Indians their several lots--eighty acres of land for every person, old or young. The rest of the reservation was sold to the Pacific Railroad. (9) The Indians were in quite an excited state, many preferred to move entirely. (10) There was some talk of the treaty being so changed as to allow those to go who wished, leaving their land in a body, to be sold or exchanged for land elsewhere; but it was not done, and from this all the rest, we took the children into the woods, taking along some bread and butter and supper in a bushel basket. time on the talk over the treaty and the war news kept us in a state of excitement.
On the Fourth of July, to make the day a little different from. The boys carried the drums (a present from Agent Johnson), the girls bore the flags, and, arriving at the creek, the girls and myself remained on one side while the boys and Miss Morse passed over. One boy threatened to go hunting birds; nests, but was taken prisoner and tied to a tree till he promised obedience. We ate our supper, drank from a steam, picked a few blackberries, sang songs, cheered, shouted, laughed, and marched home single file, forming quite aprocession, and cheering now and then. If making a great noise is patriotic and comprises a good time, surely the Delaware Indian children were both patriotic and happy on this their first picnic. The accidents and incidents were many, but not serious. A boy cheering threw his hat into a tree and had to pelt it down; Miss Morse slipped down, but was uninjured; Miss Vaughan, the seamstress, almost had a fall' a girl lost a shoe; while poor I almost my my throat sore trying at one time to keep the girls quiet and at another helping to make a noise.
In passing the schoolhouse one day a part of a company of cavalry from Quindaro drew up in front of the building, giving three cheers for the stars and stripes, which they carried; then three for the mission. Some of the men had worked on the reservation, and came in to say good-by to the children they knew. Then they passed on to the spring for water, and as they returned the children sang "The Sabbath School Army." The soldiers halted, and at the close of the song again gave us three cheers.
In September, 1861, Mr. Hunneywell, the white man who had the Indian wife, went into Missouri to see about some horses for Mr. Pratt. While talking with a man he was arrested on suspicion of treasonable views, but through the influence of a friend was released the next day. A reign of terror existed through the entire region' all ill-disposed persons took advantage of the disturbed times to plunder and commit whatever depredations their evil hearts suggested, either through malice or gain. The Quindaro ferry boat was sunk by Missourians, they said, to prevent slaves from escaping.
Parkville was raided, and what could not be taken away, belonging toi Union men, was destroyed. A family from Missouri passed the mission one day. They had gathered what they could of their possessions into a wagon and left their home, intending to return when peace was restored. They sold Mr. Pratt a cow to help them on their way. One of a company of soldiers who passed told the following: Four rebels rode up top a man working in a field and asked his views. On telling them he was for the Union they shot him. Going on to the house the murdered man's wife came to the door, and she, too, was shot, and for the same reason. The soldier who told this, coming along with some others, found the little daughter of these people crying. She told them what direction the men had taken, they pursued, overtook, and shot them; on the body of the man who had killed the father they found $25 which they gave to the girl.
The annual meeting of the Baptists was given up that fall (1861), as all the ministers had gone into the army as chaplains. In October Charles Journeycake was chosen chief, thus making two Christian chiefs, as his brother Isaac had been chief for some years. [?]
One chilly morning, about nine o'clock, eight men rode up and wished breakfast. They were on their way to Wyandotte and had taken bread and cheese to last them, but, stopping in a barn the night before, the pigs breakfasted on their lunch; so we gave them their breakfast. Mr. Pratt said that all the way he could help the cause, and he did it faithfully. But few days passed without some traveler, friend or otherwise, being entertained at the m mission.
One night I was wakened by loud knocks at the door. It being vacation and Miss Morse away, there was no one in the dormitory, but the seamstress and myself. Going to the window I could discern horsemen just outside the yard, seen dimly in the darkness. There appeared to be quite a company, but really only fifteen. They had been dismissed from Wyandotte just at night, and, wishing to get home, started out but lost their way on the prairie. They managed to get to the mission, where we sheltered them the rest of the night.
The second call for the Delawares in the army was to go as warriors. The first call for guides and spies had proved to be a failure, each Indian wanting to get the same pay as the captain. (11) The missions of the other tribes were badly broken up by the war. The Cherokee and some others joined the Southern Army.
In November, 1861, Mr. Pratt's son John, an un unusually bright youth of thirteen, passed away after a short but very distressing illness, which the doctors (Logan ((12)) and Sinks ((13)) pronounced the plague, a black spot on the ankle proving to be the plague spot. He was beloved by all and missed from every part of the mission.
Foy my "Merry Christmas" that December, one of the girls had winter fever and for New Year's another had fever. Miss Morse was confined to her bed; so her cares were added to mine, making the days more busy than festive, with, as Miss Morse said, a prospect of my long, long legs being diminished by wear--but better wear out than rust out. During that season we had our usual siege if colds and coughs, having several ailing at one time. One night, when Miss Morse was taking medicine herself, she had six little boys sleeping in her room, requiring attention during the night. About this time the agent, Mr. Johnson, allowed Mr. Pratt money for medicine and visiting the sick. Mr. Pratt had never had an allowance for that purpose before, although he had visited the Indians for miles about and many a doctor would have been glad of his practice if it had carried with it the usual fees of a physician.
About the middle of June 1862, Mr. Pratt returned from Washington, D.C., where he went with the chiefs to arrange about their land. They concluded to remain o their present reservation, and encourage schools and improvements. The government, on their part, Promised to restore them their stolen bonds, which was a large amount, and afterwards an academy was to be built, but nothing of this kind was ever done. ['What's new!]
In July the trouble increased around the mission, jayhawkers and more modern parties, called bushwhackers, were abundant. It was reported at one time that the famous Quantrill was killed, which, it was thought, might lessen the depredations, but the report was false. One night a negro man was stolen from Charles Journeycake's, where he was working, and taken off in the dark by a party of men, flourishing their pistols and threatening to blow out the brains of his protectors if they moved. [OK, what happened to him?] In November the bushwhacking business received a setback on account of the falling of the leaves, thus making the brush more open and hiding places less secure. In Missouri the disaffection toward Lincoln's proclamation (14) became very strong. The people said, they did not enter the army to fight for negroes, it was to protect the Union and not abolish slavery."
August 21, 1863, occurred the burning and sacking of Lawrence. The details are too horrible to be written at this late date, and they have already passed into history. The mission being on the opposite of the river from Lawrence. it was considered unlikely that the guerrillas would attempt to cross; but a few days after the burning of Lawrence some of the Indians became alarmed by seeing a fire, and a boy was sent to the mission for the children at school. He reported that 500 guerrillas had crossed the river (Kansas), and that night would burn the mission and everything on the way. All the children left in a hurry, save two who lived too far to get home that night. We were not alarmed, however, and slept as well as usual, and were not surprised to find later that the alarming fire was only burning brush.
The first week in October, 1863, I attended a teachers' association session in Leavenworth. It was the first one held in the young state, and during the session a state association was formed. (15) Later I attended the first cultural state fair. (16) One day there was an exhibition of fancy and domestic articles, a very good but not large exhibit; the fruit and vegetable display was very large.
It took but little to get up a scare, even at the mission. For instance. One morning the hired man was going to Leavenworth withy the team, and went earlier than usual--b fore daylight, in fact--to feed the horses. The opening of the stable door and the stamping of the horses roused the other men, and one of them, springing up suddenly, imagined he could see horses coming out of te stable, so he quickly gave the alarm that the horses were being stolen. Lucius started, pistol in hand, but when at the gate he heard the corn drop in the cribs and concluded how affairs were. A lady from Lawrence who was visiting at the mission said it seemed just like the raid on Lawrence. She started up and inquired if she would have time to dress; for in Lawrence she took her dress in hand, threw a bonnet over her nightcap, and left her wig and false teeth behind. I heard the noise from the dormitory, and thought surely some one was after the horses; the, recalling that John was going to town, concluded he was the cause of the racket, and turned over for another nap.
On the 27th of December, 1863, there was quite a fall of snow; a day or two afterward the wind blew, as it often did in Kansas, and the two united in forming a complete blockade on the Hannibal & St. Joseph railroad. For sixteen days no mail from the east was received at Leavenworth. Travelers reaching St. Joe were obliged to turn back or remain there until the teams were fitted up to take them on their way. Freight trains which the couple wanted to attend, and the wedding had been put off once; it was to have been on New Year's blocked; in one a large number of hogs were frozen to death, Saturday, the 24th of January, 1864, Mr. Pratt was to ill to go to Leavenworth as usual. At noon a man came for him to go five miles, just off the reservation, to marry a couple of whites. Mr. Pratt said he was too ill to go--that he would come the next morning, but the man was imperative. There was to be a dance that evening which the couple wanted to attend, and the wedding had been put off once; it was to have been on New Year's, but the groom was from Chicago and could not get here on account of the blocked roads. Now that he had come, a minister must be found, and no there was handy. Mr. Pratt had compassion on them, and mounted his pony and rode a away to make the two happy.
Later in the winter, about eight o'clock one morning, and man and a woman rode up to the gate and sent in word by one of the children for Mr. Pratt to come out and marry them without their alighting. Mr. Pratt was not well, lying on a couch, and sent back that of they would dismount and come in he would marry them. They were white people and had ridden eight miles. From the man's boots his toes peeped out, and his elbows showed through holes in his coat sleeves. The woman was tidy in a homespun woolen dress, blue-checked apron and the usual "slat" sunbonnet, which she did not remove. This sort of bonnet was worn in the South and West, both indoors an d out. Mr. Pratt told them to stand together and take hold of hands, but had to mover them around into proper position and place the bride's right hand of the groom before he performed the ceremony which made them man and wife. The man asked, "What was to pay?" Mr. Pratt told him what he would have to pay to record the marriage, and taking it from his pocket, the groom gave the amount to Mr. Pratt, and the bridal party mounted their horses and departed.
In February, 1864, I left the mission, arriving at my home in Concord, Mass., on the 24th of the month. A day or two before left Kansas the weather was very mild; so much that a snake ventured out of his winter retreat and the boys captured him. But one of those sudden changes, which the West is noted for, came; the wind blew cold and froze up things generally. It was very cold when I left the mission, but I was well clothed and had a hot brick for my feet. When we reached Leavenworth, fifteen miles away, the brick was cold and I was chilled through. The boats from Kansas City had been running a week or more, but we found the river so full of broken ice that the boat would mot make the trip up [actually, downriver] that day, so I was compelled to wait over until the next. When we finally arrived on the wrest bank of the Mississippi we found that river partially open, and we were landed from our boat on solid ice in mid river, being cautioned not to walk ashore in a body. However, we saw a large wagon drawn by two horses coming out over the ice from the land to the boat, so we thought that people could not be in danger.
This ended my Kansas experience, as I never returned to the Delaware mission.
(1) Miss Clara Gowing was
born at Charlestown, Mass, May 22, 1832 and was the daughter of Jahez
Gowing and Hitty Eames Gowing. She received her education in
Concord, Mass., developing into a young woman of earnest mind. That she was
considered an acquisition in the mission field is shown by the following letter
J. G. Warren, October 3, 1859, to Rev. Pratt: "We have succeeded
Miss Clara Gowing for the Delaware school.
She is a person of firm constitution, good mind, mature age, and earnestly
devoted to the service of Christ. The committee appointed her last week at the
usual salary with $50 for expenses of travel. . . . I think sister Gowing will
prove the very person you need. " Miss Gowing has been president of the
W.C.T.U. [Women's Christian Temperance Union] at Reading, Mass, where she
now lives, for ten years. She taught three years in the colored schools of Lynchburg
Alexandria, Va., and Nashville, Tenn., also in the State
Primary School of Massachusetts. She has been matron in the Old Ladies
Home at Lowell, Mass. Both her grandfathers served in the
Revolutionary War, and both were at the battle in Concord, Mass.,
April 19, 1776. They were farmers and lived and died in Wilmington, Mass.
(2) Miss Elizabeth S. Morse was first a teacher among the Cherokee Indians, having been sent out from Boston in 1842 by the American Baptist Missionary Union. Upon her arrival in the Cherokee Nation she found there was no building suitable for school purposes, so not willing to be idle, she opened a day school. She boarded in an Indian family, eating at the table with them, and her room was so open that snow and rain came through, falling upon the bed in which she slept. She lived in this way for a year, when she had a cabin built in which she set up housekeeping. The only means of lighting and ventilation was by the door, there being no windows. The chimney was built of logs, with stones laid upon the bottom instead of jambs, so it was unsafe to have any but a very small fire. At first there was no floor in her cabin, but later one of puncheons was made. Miss Morse stayed with the Cherokees several years, but as the building for the school seemed as far off as ever, owing to a difference of opinion as to where it should be built, she left the tribe and went to the Delawares about 1848. She remained at the Delaware Baptist Mission until the removal of those Indians in the Indian Territory, in 1867. Miss Morse then went to live with friends. She died in Kansas in 1899, at the advanced age of 85.
(3) "The Delaware Mission School was started in 1837 by Ira D. Blanchard and was situated where the where the Edwardsville station now is, at the Grinter crossing of the Kaw river. The military road from Fort Leavenworth to Fort Scott crossed the river there. In 1844 the overflow of the river caused by the great flood broke up the school for a time. The Indians moved away from the Kaw bottom lands. In n1848 I moved the building of the mission school up to where I now live. It was a log building. I moved the logs and got the building up in the same form as it stood at the river. It stands now where I then placed it. It forms the middle portion of my house and is clapboard over the logs like the other portion of the frame building." Rev. John G. Pratt, in an interview, July 10, 1895.
(4) John Gill Pratt was born in Hingham,
Mass., September 19, 1814, and died at his home near Piper, Wyandotte county,
Kansas, April 23, 1900. Mr. Pratt was educated in the academy at Wakefield,
Mass., and at Andover Seminary, graduating in 1836. At Andover he was licensed
to preach, and immediately employed by the Baptist Missionary Society for work
in the Indian Territory. March 29, 1837, he married Olivia Evans, and two weeks
later they left Boston on their journey west, where they were to labor among the
Shawnee Indians at the Shawnee Baptist Mission, in Johnson county [present
Kansas] . They arrive there May 14, 1837. Mr. Pratt had learned the art of
printing at the University Press, Cambridge, Mass. and on his arrival at the
Shawnee Mission took charge of the printing office, the Rev. Jotham Meeker then
being engaged in establishing the mission among the Ottawas on the Marais des
Cygnes. Art this printing office were printed, for the use of the Indians,
primary text books, translations from the Gospels, hymns and other books, in the
Delaware, Shawnee, Iowa, Ottawa and other Indian tongues/ A newspaper, the
Shawnee Sun, was published here from 1836 to1842. Mr. Pratt was
associated with the Stockbridge Indians for a time, going to them in 1844 and
having charge of the mission situated near where the National Soldiers' Home at
Leavenworth now stands. In 1849 he took charge of the Delaware Baptist Mission.
It was at this mission that Mr. Pratt was ordained to the ministry,
November 19, 1843. In 1864 Mr. Pratt succeeded Maj. F. Johnson as the United
States Indian agent to the Delawares, serving the tribe in that
capacity until they moved to the Indian Territory.
Mrs. Pratt shared the hardships and privations of her husband's lot. She instructed the Indian girls in the rudiments of domestic economy, and had always the burden of a large household on her shoulders. In the early days at the mission she did all the cooking and sewing herself. She was often obliged to sew until late into the night, for the Indian children had no other clothing than the garments in which they came to the school, and these were always laid aside and the mission clothes worn while the child remained there. Mrs. Pratt was a woman of very prepossessing appearance--a round face with black, sparkling eyes, a clear complexion and black hair worn in ringlets. Her keen sense of humor did her good service in her wild, rough home , and helped her through situations which would have dismayed a less wholesome woman. The cabin to which she was brought as a bride consisted of four walls and a roof, all of logs, and built as children build corn-cob houses, with projecting ends. The "chinking" was done with sod and mud, and the chimney was built of the same material. There were no windows, only holes cut in the log walls. The floor was of rough lumber, and it is said that Mrs. Pratt became accustomed to removing splinters from her own hands as she washed up the floors, but later on it was harder to take them from the tiny hands of her babies as they crept about the room.. Often in cold weather four or five Indians would gather around her fireplace before she was dressed in the morning. In such weather her feet would freeze as she worked about the room, and coffee left in the cups on the table would freeze while she was clearing away the food; and that, too, with the table standing on the hearth. Mrs. Pratt had seven children, and she had no medical attention at such times except such as Mr. Pratt could give her, with no nurse but an Indian woman. At one time her Indian nurse could neither speak nor understand a word of English, and Mr. Pratt's range of the Indian language was inadequate to the occasion; so an Indian man who could understand some English was stationed on the doorstep and interpreted Mr. Pratt's directions to the "nurse." Of the many discomforts and loneliness which Mrs. Pratt endured she once said, "The sacrifices and inconveniences were forgotten by us when we considered the great object for which we lived and labored--the conversions of the Indians and their advancement to civilization." Mrs. Pratt was born in 1814, being one month her husband's senior, and survived him a little time.
(5) The name is often seen "Johnnycake," but the form in the text is the correct one, and was so signed by Charles Journeycake in the articles of agreement and convention between the United States and the Delaware tribe of Indians, drawn May 6, 1854. The name "Journeycake" is said to come from a kind of bread used by the Indians in a journey. The Yankees easily changed this to their favorite breakfast cake, viz., "Johnnycake." Mss. of Miss Gowing.
(6) "I believe it will not be disputed that the Indian women love their children with as much affection as parents in the most civilized states can boast. Many proofs might be adduced to support this assertion. . . From their infant state they endeavor to promote an independent spirit. They are never known either to beat or scold them, lest the martial disposition which is to adorn their future life and character should be weakened. On all occasions they avoid everything compulsive, that the freedom with which they wish to think and act may not be controlled. If they die they lament their death with unfeigned tears, and even for months after their deceases will weep at the graves of their departed children.""--Thwaite's Early Western Travels, vol. 2, pp. 96-97.
(7) The Delawares "number at pre3sent 1034, and their personal property averages about $1000 to each individual." Report Commissioner Indian Affairs, 1861, p. 11. The Osage Indians are known as the richest communal people in the world, their per capita wealth being in excess, of $20,000. In 1906 this tribe possessed funds in the United States treasury to the amount of $8,562,690, besides which they had 1,470,058 acres of valuable land.
(8) "April, 1861. The steamer Sam Gaty, at Leavenworth, hoisted a rebel flag, and was compelled to lower it and raise the stars and stripes."-Paxton's Annals of Platte City, Missouri, p. 308. See also, Kansas Historical Collections, vol. 9, p. 310.
(9) "On May 30, 1860 by treaty with the Delawares, eighty acres were assigned to each member of the tribe, in one compact body, to be held in severalty, the Leavenworth, Pawnee & Western Railroad Company (afterward the Union Pacific) to have the privilege of purchasing the remainder of their land, at no less than $1.25 per acre, The treaty was made at Sarcoxieville on the Delaware Reservation." Cutler's History of Kansas, p. 69. See also, Indian Affairs, Laws and Treaties, vol. 2, p. 803.
(10) "When this treaty was made they desired very much to sell all their country within the limits of Kansas and go down among the Indians south of Kansas. [This is not true. Editor] This was because they had suffered so much from the evil and wicked acts of the whites that surround them"--Thomas B. Sykes, U. S. Indian Agent, Report Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1860, p. 103.
(11) Adj. Gen. C. E. Holliday made the following statement in regard to Kansas troops to Governor Crawford, January 17, 1865: "A number of Indians were regularly recruited in the white regiments. These were our home, there are three regiments of Indians in service, officered originally almost exclusively by citizens from Kansas."--Wilder's Annals, 1862, p. 99.
(12) and (13) Are not included because they add little about the life of the Delaware.(14) Preliminary proclamation of emancipation issued September 22, 1862.
(15) The Kansas Educational Journal, vol. 1, p. 2, contains an interesting account of the meeting of this first teachers' association.
(16) The earliest state fairs were held under the direction of the State Agricultural Society in various towns over the state, the first one being at Leavenworth, October 4 to 5, 1863.
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CORRESPONDENCE REGARDING THE MURDER OF DELAWARE BY MIAMI
[Although this account is about another reserve in Ohio, I have included the complete text of the following correspondence in order to show the style of negotiations used by the Lenape-Delaware with other Native Americans at that time, that is, a low-key approach with the ultimate action only resorted to toward the end of negotiations. Editor.]
DELAWARE CHIEFS TO MIAMI INDIANS: ADDRESS, January 15, 1825 [ ISL: Tipton Papers--DS] [The format has been changed slightly. Editor]
GRAND CHILDREN THE MIAMIES We have received your letter Dated Novm 22d 1824 We do not think you have opened your hearts verry much though. It is your own Work in Doing the Mischief
Grand Children--Now you hear your Grandfathers you know how often you have Done us wrong you must not, think we will not tell you of it you must open your hearts wider if you Do So you must Take it to Coln Menard at Kaskaskia and Deliver it to him with the property of the woman, it is your own works--(Pierre Menard was at this time subagent of Indian affairs at Kaskaskia. His agency included the Shawnee, Delaware, Peoria, and Piankashaw. American States Papers. Indiana Affairs, 2:76)
Grand C[hildren] When you Do this you will please our hearts and if you do not you Cannot blame us to right ourselves Grand Children It is not our wish to brake the friend Ship that is between us though when you please our hearts the friend Ship Shall Still be the Same as was before Gran[d] C[hildren] you seem to be very long about to fix your own Doings you must Do it Soon this Spring and you must open your hearts [p. 438] wider If not you Need not take the trouble to go there with What you mention
Given at JAMES FORK OF WHITE RIVER Test JAMES WILSON U. S. Interpreter Wm X ANDERSON LA. OP. A. NEACH LA [his] x [mark] TER, WHA, LE, LAND x his x mark
(Indiana Historical Collections, vol. 24, "The John Tipton Papers," vol. 1 (1809-1827), pp. 437-438)
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PIERRE MENARD TO TIPTON, April 22, 1825 [ISL: Tipton Papers--ALS]
KASKASKIA, April 22d, 1825
JOHN TIPTON, Esq, Fort Wayne
DEAR SIR On my arrival from Washington I found a letter from the Delaware Chiefs directed to you, and one from the same Chiefs to myself--The one directed to you is, I find, intended for the Miamies--I feel some what uneasy about those Indians and desire most sincerely that affair to be settled as speedily as possible-- The Delawares are very much exasperated, and unless there is a very large quantity of wampum sent, or more specie than the amount you mention to me in your letter of 22d November last, I am afraid the Delawares will not be satisfied: But let them come on with what they intend to give to repair the wrong, and I will endeavor my best to have the affair amicably settled__ There should be nothing kissing of the property of the woman, or if any is missing, the value of it ought to be replaced in some other things--I have the honor to be very respectfully Your Obt Servt PIERRE MENARD
P.S. ...Inclosed I forward you the letter of the Delaware Chiefs hereabove alluded to--PIERRE MENARD
[Enclosed:] answered 31 July 1825 (Ibid, p. 456)
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RICHARD GRAHAM TO TIPTON, June 11, 1825 [ISL: Tipton Papers--ALBS] St Louis 11 June 1825
SIR: William Anderson chief of the Delaware Nation of Indians & his Counsellers have requested me to make a demand through you on the Miami Indians for compensation for the murder of six Delawars which they have committed--
He requests that the Miamis may be informed that he has made peace with the Osages & that Wampum from his Nation has passed to all the neighboring nations of Indians--& that his Grand children the Miamis are the only Nation with who he has not settled all his differences his wishes them to listen to his demand & pay it without any further trouble.--it has been a long time since they killed the first Delaware it is time his bones should be covered--if they had been made to cover them at first, probably he would not now be asking him to cover4 the bones of others--He wished to live in peace & friendship with all his Grand children; his counsellers have decided this shall be the last time they will ask to have the bones of their brothers covered--if the Miamis refuse to cover them, they will refer it to the war chiefs the demand they make is Five Hundred dollars e[ac]h for the following persons which they allege have been killed by the Miamis
Wash um 16 or 17 years ago on White River near Andersons House
Lanaquis--Killed on his route from Detroit to Piqua, when called by Mr. Johnson Ind Agt. during the war--he was killed 5 or 6 miles above Fort Wayne for his Gun--
Two Indians Pashquino & a young Indian comeing from Detroit with goods, near the Miami Village in 1813 or 1814--(these he says the Miamis deny) [p. 470]
Pashena a woman married to a Miami killed at a Miami Town last winter
the daughter of Lahipinilie a correspondence on the murder of this woman has been carried on between Col. Menard & yourself--
If Sir you will have the goodness to mention to the Miamis the above outlines of a talk of Anderson & obtain from their a favourable answer you will probably be the means not only of saving bloodshed, but probably of preserving the small remnants of the Mia Nation--the Delawares seem to be determined on the course they will pursue If they consent to pay what is demanded, information to that effect can be made known to the War Dept. with a request that so much of their annuity (the Miamis) as amounts to the demand of the Delaware, may be forwarded to Govr. Clark superintendent at St. Louis--
With Sentiments of respect & Esteem I am Dr Sir Yr Obt Sevt R. GRAHAM U.S. Indn. Agt
After talks with the Miamis you will have the goodness to inform me of their determination (Ibid., pp. 469-470)
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MIAMI CHIEFS TO PRESIDENT JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, July 29, 1825 [ISL Tipton Papers--CS]
We the undersigned Chiefs, head men and Warriors of the Miami Nation of Indians in Council at Fort Wayne, do hereby authorize and request our Father the President of the United States to deduct out of the annuity that will be do us for the year 1826, the Sum of Five Hundred Dollars, and pay it to our Grand Fathers the Delawares, which Sum when so paid the Delawares have agreed to receive in full for all difficulties heretofore existing between us, the Miamis & them' and we request our Grand Fathers to Exchange Wampum and make a strong and Lasting Friendship with us, through our Father the President and his officers
Given under our hands and seals at Fort Wayne this 29th day of July 1825 Attest JOHN TIPTON Indian Agt Signed Triplicates PE, CHE, WAH or RICHARDVILLE his x mark (Seal) [and others not included herein] (Ibid., p. 477)
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RICHARD GRAHAM TO TIPTON, September 1, 1825 [ISL: Tipton Papers--ALS] ST. LOUIS 1st Septr 1825
DEAR SIR Your favor of the 31st July has been duly received, with the request of the Miamis in council; to their Great Father the president of the United States, to pay to the Delaware 500$--I have not Yet laid this paper, before the Delawares [p. 486], & before I do so, in order to save time, I beg leave to observe that the request from the Miamis to the president, by no means, embrace the amount claimed by the Delawares; by reference to my letter of June 11th you will there find the demand made, is 500$ for each of the following persons. whose bones are yet uncov[er]ed, & who, they alledge have been killed by the Miamis.
Washum--16 or 17 Years, killed by a Miami on White River near Andersons
La-na-quis on his route from Detroit to Piqua, when called by Johnson, during the war, he was killed by a Miami for his gun. 5 miles above Fort Wayne.
Pachaquini & another Indian, coming from Detroit, with goods, stopped at the Miami Village & after leaving the same encamped, near it & was killed; this occurrence took place in the Year 1814 or 15.
Pachena. (a woman) married to a Miami. Killed last winter at the Miami Town.
For each of the above Indians five hundred dollars is demanded by the Delawares, which amounts to three thousand Dollars
You will therefore, have the goodness to explain this Again to the Miamis & let me know the result of Your conference with them. Andersen, is determined (I believe) not to take less than the amount above stated for each of the above persons killed--he is satisfied they were Killed by the Miamis.--If however any satisfactory evidence can be adduced to him that all of the above persons were not killed by Miamis, he will withdraw the Charge, he has made for such person, and make his demand of 500$ for each person they have killed. Respectfully Yr Obt Servt R GRAHAM Agt Of Ind Affairs JOHN TIPTON Esqr Ind Agt Fort Wayne (Ibid. pp. 485-486)
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RICHARD GRAHAM TO TIPTON, October 3, 1825 [ISL: Tipton Papers--ALS] At Louis Oct 3, 1825
SIR Enclosed is a speech from the Delaware Chief Anderson & the War Capt. Killbuck this speech has been directed to me & received four days since--you will see by it, the Delawars claim $500 each for the men killed--you will have the goodness to call the Miamis together & get them to give a definitive answer to the enclosed speeches Respectfully yr ob Servt R. GRAHAM
JOHN TIPTON Esqr U.S. Indn Agt Fort Wayne
[Enclosure] MY GRAND CHILDREN [the Mi]amies, I have seen what I sent to you com[e back], I see what word I sent you is thrust aside,, my children there is one of my people you killed which was to cover the five hundred dollars you have done none of it. [p. 501] now if you cover all the six that you killed of my people with five hundred dollars each you will make my heart glad, my grand children if you do not listen to what I say to you I shall not speak to you again soon again you must settle it at once my grand children you must now do what I request of you and don't delay [don't] cause me to speak to you again my [child] don't think your grandfather lies the while people all no what injury you have done to my people, this is all i got to say to you now WILLIAM ANDERSON Chief of the delawares
Captn Killbuck's speach My grand children my father has with his councilers often sent to you to lisen to your grand father I am now speaking to you his words, my grand children. I am the war man and the war counciler I want you to listen to me and cover my blood or else my heart wont be glad, when you hear from me you must not weight you must cover my blood or else I never shall speak to you again. my children you have heard a great deal from my head man and you have not listened to him. I now speak as the war chief of my peoples to you
Capt KILBUCK of the dellewares (Ibid., pp. 500-501)
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WILLIAM ANDERSON TO MIAMI INDIANS: ADDRESS, February 28, 1827 [ISL; Tipton Papers--DS]
William Anderson the principal Chief of the Dellawares Speach to the Miamies
My Grand Children the Miamies. I want you to listen to me well what I am going to say to you--You Miamies twice I have spoken to you about the injury you have done to my people, and it appears that you have stopt your ears and are determined not to hear what I say to you. I am now going to speak to you for the last time You Miamies you no that you killed one of our chiefs daughters and took from her two good horses besides a great deal of other property, and you promised to pay for it a long time ago which you have not done I now ask you again. You must pay it to our friend Col. Menard who will send it to us.
You Miamis you no that you killed six more of our people and you have not covered the dead I spoke to you last year and told you that you must pay us five hundred dollars for each one that you killed. I now speak top you again and tell you that I throw away two. We now demand of you for the fore Delawares you killed five hundred dollars each, you no that these people you killed have relations liveing here amongst us. I have kept these people for two or three years and still hold them
You Miamies we will now give you fore months more and see what you will doe. if you pay us in that time you will then make our hearts glad We will then hold you faste4r by the hand than ever If you doe not settle in that time I shall then let my people goe and they must doe as they please WILLIAM ANDERSON his a mark
February 28th 1827 Test JOHN CAMPBELL Indian Agt for the Dellawares (Ibid., pp. 666-667)
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August 6th [1827, the War chiefs, peace chiefs, the wise old men, and the young warriors, of the Miami nation, appeared in the Council House.--Their numbers were unusual, and their silence unexpected. Amidst this calm, Joseph Richardville, (as the organ of the Miamies, in the absence of his sick father the principal Chief), rose and delivered the following answer to the foregoing speech [that is, the demands of the Delaware of 28 February 1827]: My Grand Father: Your Miami children have listened to what you have said. Their ears are never stopped when you speak to them.
Grand Father: You must recollect when you passed over the great mountains, and come to our country under our protection; we gave you lands, and at the treaty of St. Mary's you sat in council with us. There we consented to let you sell the land and keep the money for it.--This we considered enough to satisfy you for all the injury our bad young men had done you; but it appears otherwise, for you continue to beg for more notwithstanding all that has been told you by our old Chief who now lies sick in the wigwam. His words I now speak to you.
Grand Father: The Miamies have already done much favor for your people; but they will extend their bounty. They have instructed their agent, General Tipton, to send to Mr. Menard, five hundred dollars for the use of the Delawares, which sum is to be taken out of our present year's annuity. This is all we will give you, and it will be useless to ask for more hereafter. If you accept this, it will be well, and we will then take you by the hand and live with you in harmony, as we have done ever since you crossed the great mountains.
But, Grand Father, if you will not accept of this money, let us know soon, so that we may be prepared to meet your people, who you tell us, "may do as they please."
Done in Council, at the Treaty Ground, I[ndian]a. August 6th, 1827. In presence of JAMES FOSTER, JOSEPH BARRON, Interpreter
Previous to signing the above, young Richardville, called on all the Chiefs, the wise old men, and the warriors, to ascertain whether any objection existed to his signature being placed to the speech, as the organ of his father the principal Chief, who he represented as being to unwell in his wigwam to act efficiently in council. With a unanimity seldom witnessed, on such occasions, the wide old men told him to advance and write his name he done so; and accompanied the last twirl` of his pen with something like a war-whoop. The young warriors and their Chiefs. then pledged to support him under every exigency. (Ibid., pp. 764-765)
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TIPTON TO PIERRE MENARD, August 18, 1827 [ISL: Tipton Papers--ADftS]
AGENCY OFFICE AT FORT WAYNE 18 august 1827
COL MENARD DR SIR I have the honour to cake the rect of your favour of 19 Apl last encloseg the talk of Anderson the Chief of the [p. 772] Del. to the Miamies Indians which would have been answered much earlier but I* waited to obtain from these people the Answer from the Nation in Council, which I have the pleasure to enclose to you , and have to request your influence and friendly aid in setling it. the miamies think some white man us medling in n this matter, nor is this opinion without some colour of foundation. a few dollars surely would not cause these long and intimate friends, the last remnants of two (once) powerful Nations now to shed each others blood. I have a hope by your assistance that we will stop it but if the Dellawars will not [accept] the sum of $500 offered as an atonement and intend carrying their threats into execution will you have the goodness to inform me. our Govrt. must interfere we cannot suffer Indian murder much less India war among the tribes surrnded with our settlements as are the nations in question
I avail myself of this occasion to renew the assurance of the very high respect with which I have the honour to be Yr most obt sevt JOHN TIPTON U S Agent for Ind Affs
P S should the Dellawares accept the five hundred dollars offered them I will place it to your credut in the U S B Bank at Cincinnati (Ibid., pp. 771-772)
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TIPTON TO PIERRE MENARD, October 20, 1827 [ISL: Tipton Papers--ADftS]
INDIAN AGENCY FORT WAYNE october 20 1827
COL MENARD DR SIR The miami Indians have placed $500 in my hand to be paid over to the order of the Delawares and I have to again [p. 804] request that you will aid in the adjustment of this matter and write me at as early a day as may be convenient yr most obt sevt JOHN TIPTON Indian Agent (Ibid., pp. 803-804)
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TIPTON TO PIERRE MENARD, December 8, 1827 [ISL: Tipton Papers--ADftS] FORT WAYNE 8 Decr 1827
COL MENARD SIR ...Your letter of 10 octbr has allso been recd. mgr Grayham first letter asked but $500 when that was offered he wrote me that it was a mistake in his letter or my reading and statd that the Delawarse demanded $500 for each of five person the miamies will never agree to give that sum had mgr G made no mistake in his first letter it would perhaps have been settled but now it will not unless Delawars recieve the $500 offered by the miamies of which please inform me with grate respect yr obt sev JOHN TIPTON Indian Agent (Ibid., p. 817)
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PIERRE MENARD TO TIPTON, April 29, 1828 [ISL: Tipton Papers--LS] KASKASKIA April 29th 1828
GENL JOHN TIPTON U.S. Indian Agent Fort Wayne
DEAR SIR The only apology I can offer for not answering your favour of the 8th december last before this, is that I wanted to speak to the Delawares on the subject of your wishes, myself--I arrived at their village on James Fork of White River [Indiana] on the 13th of February and remained there until the 17th of March, and have just returned from my tour--when I arrived I found only the Principal Chief Anderson and Old Captain Beaver, the others were all absent--They immediately dispatchd runners to call in the war Chiefs & Braves, who came in the course of seven days, especially the relations of Lapanchili's daughter--On the 26th of February I called them in Council and when all assembled, I began to explain to them the bad consequences that would result in sheding the Blood of their Grandchildren [the Miamies], with whom they had been for a long time friendly, and allied by intermarriages, and besides they would incur the displeasure of the Government--I observed to them, , that their grand Children the Miamies had at once acceded to their demand, by requesting the President of the United States to pay their grand fathers the delawares, Five hundred dollars, and to interchange wampum in order to render their long e Friendship firmer than ever--That this offer of the Miamies, and their request to the President to renew their ancient friendship, shewed certainly their good intention and sincere disposition--To this they remarked, that their demand was $2500. and that their grand Children offered only $500.--Here your letter had a Powerful effect--I opened it, and red to them that part, which says, that Major Graham's first letter demanded only $500, and I convinced them, that the Miamis were right in supposing that some white persons was meddling with this business--They replied that no (white) person had ever spoken to or advised them, but that their agent had made the mistake in the first letter. and therefore would not blame their grand children for supposing that some white person was medling with this Business.--That solely in consequence of this mistake of their agent they authorised me to settle the affair, and to accept the $500--They do however not consider that their acceptance of this sum, embraces any part of the offer contained in your letter to me under date of 22d November 1824 for the murder of Lapanchilis Daughter--They also say, that they have heard, that their grand Children have killed since 1825, in one of their drunken frolics another Delaware woman--If this report should be true they hope that the Miamies will settle it as they formerly did amongst themselves--
By the foregoing you will perceive Sir, that I am now authorised by the Delawares to settle this business and receive the Amount--I asked the principal Chief if he would send a talk to his Grand Children. He answered no. But when the miamies will have settled this business, they will send me one, and I shall then return them mine, and this will be a renewal of our long and ancient friendship. Should the Miamies agree to give up the property of Lapanilies Daughter and the other articles mentioned in Your letter of 22d November 1824 I will receive them, or the just value you may sett on them Yourself--I have done my part agreably to your wished, and hope you will do the balance you may direct the US. Branch Bank at Cincinnati, to pay to my order the $500. and also the amount of the property of the woman, if they should prefer to pay it in the same way. I will draw for nit as soon as I am notified by yourself and when received I will forward you my receipt in form in behalf of the Delawares for the same received.
Accept sir the assurance of my Best wishes and believe me respectfully your Obedient servant. PIERRE MENARD (Indiana Historical Collections, vol. 25, "The John Tipton Papers," vol. 2 ( 1828-1833), pp. 40-41)
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TIPTON TO PIERRE MENARD, November 26, 1829 [ISL: Tipton Papers--ADft] LOGANSPORT 26 nov 1829
COL MENARD [p. 221]...Your letter regarding the money put in my hand by the miamies was duly recd and would have been answered much earlier but the chief Richerville told me last spring that the miamies had heard that all the families of the Descd. Delaware was dead and that, they, the miamies, need not now pay the money and told me to retain it until he could see them [the Miami or the Delaware? Editor] and inform me of their wishes [Devious?. Editor] I will know as soon as I can see or here the miamies what disposition will be made of the money and write to you again I do not want to hold the money in my hand--yr obt. sevt
(Indiana Historical Collections, vol. 25, "The John Tipton Papers," vol. 2 ( 1828-1833), pp. 222-223)
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TIPTON TO JEAN B. RICHARDVILLE, April 4, 1830 [ISL: Tipton Papers--ADftS]
AT HOME 4 aprile 1830
DEAR SIR: [p. 262]
... Col Menard has wrote to me again to send him the five hundred dollars left in my hand by the miamies some time ago to settle the difficultly between the Dellawars alledging that he would settle it. shall I send it to him or not. yr obt Sevt JOHN TIPTON Indian Agt
J B RICHERVILLE miami Chief
[Well, was that the ending to all that? I will let you know more if I find it. Why didn't the Delaware demand that the money go delivered to their Principal Chief and disposed of from there? If any of you find our more about this. let me know. Editor.]
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RELATIONS BETWEEN THE LENAPE-DELAWARE AND AFRICAN-AMERICANS
For the time being, this page will be a miscellaneous collection of items regarding the attitudes of Lenape-Delaware toward slaves and slavery in particular and to African-Americans in general. Unlike Native Americans, the Lenape-Delaware did not intermarry to a large degree with African-Americans as many other individuals did. There will be no goal or direction to this page until a certain amount of data has been collected. In may never develop into a given thesis, may just remain an assortment of facts and fiction. It is an important subject and needs to be addressed. Please advise the editor if you have come across any information in his subject that you would like to share. Editor Tom Hahn firstname.lastname@example.org
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"CAUTION OF DELAWARE TO MISSIONARIES PENDING TREATMENT OF AFRICAN AMERICANS"
This article tells what two European missionaries reported regarding their attempt to convert them to Christianity:
They rejoiced exceedingly at our happiness in thus being favored by the Great Spirit, and they felt very grateful that we had condescended to remember our brethren in the wilderness. But they could not help recollecting that we had a people among us, who, because they differed from us in color, we had made slaves of, and made them suffer great hardships, and lead miserable lives. Now they could not see any reason, if a people being black entitled us then to deal with them, why a red color should not equally qualify the same treatment. They therefore had determined to wait, to see whether all the black people amongst us were made thus happy and joyful before they would put confidence in our promises; for they thought a people who had suffered so much and so long by our means, should be entitled to our first consideration; and therefore they had sent back the two missionaries, with many thanks, promising that when they saw the black people among us restored to freedom and happiness they would gladly receive our missionaries.
(William Loren Katz, Black Indians: A Hidden Heritage: Ethrac Publications (Atheneum, New York, 1986, p. 108)
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"Delaware Protective of Black Fugitives"
So many slaves fled to the Six Nations of the Iroquois Confederacy, that, in 1726,a governor of New York made the leading chiefs promise to return all fugitives in their villages. They gave their word. In 1764 Huron's also promised. The next year Delawares promised. None ever returned a single slave. Katz, Black Indians, p. 111)
Hard copy made 6 May 2002. Times New Roman 12 point. Photo check A. TH
This Page Was Last Edited on 05/05/2006